{"id":35430,"date":"2024-04-11T15:52:39","date_gmt":"2024-04-11T12:52:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/e-komite.com\/?p=35430"},"modified":"2024-04-14T19:32:46","modified_gmt":"2024-04-14T16:32:46","slug":"solun-secimi-yanlis-terazi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/e-komite.com\/2024\/solun-secimi-yanlis-terazi\/","title":{"rendered":"Sol\u2019un se\u00e7imi: Yanl\u0131\u015f terazi"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Bundan tam bir sene \u00f6nce, yakla\u015fan 14 May\u0131s genel se\u00e7imleri her se\u00e7im d\u00f6neminde oldu\u011fu gibi b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcndemi ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015f durumdayd\u0131. O g\u00fcnlerde yay\u0131mlanan \u201cTemsiliyete s\u0131k\u0131\u015fmak ve Sol\u2019un se\u00e7imi<\/a>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de iddias\u0131n\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funu koyan parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin, burjuva siyasetinin temel mekanizmalar\u0131ndan olan se\u00e7imlere dair yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 tarihsel s\u00fcreklilik dahilinde ele\u015ftirmi\u015f, temsil rejiminin ve onun dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyaset mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yanl\u0131\u015f hedeflerle y\u00f6nelip d\u00fczenin r\u0131za mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretmekten ka\u00e7amayacaklar\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmi\u015ftim. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Orada tan\u0131mlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m durum, her se\u00e7imden sonra oldu\u011fu gibi bug\u00fcn yeniden kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda belirdi: s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n maddi alan\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7 siyaseti in\u015fa edilerek<\/a> fiili bir kavgan\u0131n arenas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmeden se\u00e7imler i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, hatta daha genel anlam\u0131yla halk\u0131n siyasi ifade aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 sapt\u0131rmak, so\u011furmak ve yan\u0131ltmaktan \u00f6te bir i\u015flev g\u00f6remiyor. Bu durum, se\u00e7im s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine dahil olan sosyalist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin1<\/a><\/sup> niyetlerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, i\u00e7inde olduklar\u0131 maddi ko\u015fullar ve se\u00e7im dedi\u011fimiz r\u0131za d\u00fczene\u011finin tabi oldu\u011fu hegemonik siyasal yap\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen bir ger\u00e7ek. Maddi toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7ler alan\u0131nda kayda de\u011fer bir fiili varl\u0131k g\u00f6steremeyen s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi odakl\u0131 siyasetlerin ulusal ya da yerel d\u00fczeyde temsili de, o temsil mekanizmalar\u0131na kopu\u015f\u00e7u bi\u00e7imde m\u00fcdahalesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc herhangi bir m\u00fccadele salt temsil yoluyla yoktan var edilemiyor, bu \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k. Buradan hareketle 14 May\u0131s 2023 genel ve 31 Mart 2024 yerel se\u00e7imlerinde kendine koydu\u011fu yanl\u0131\u015f hedefleri bile tutturamay\u0131p gene de kuyru\u011fu dik tutmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan solun trajedisinin nedenlerini anlamaya ve bundan sonra yap\u0131labileceklere dair \u00f6neriler getirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7lerini se\u00e7im faaliyetlerine odaklayan sosyalist partilerin (kendileri hakk\u0131ndaki, kimisi i\u00e7in sosyal-demokrasiye ve reformizme, kimisi i\u00e7in de ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kayd\u0131klar\u0131na dair ele\u015ftirilerimizi bir kenara koyarak) son yerel se\u00e7imde sergiledikleri performansa bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u015funu s\u00f6ylemek yanl\u0131\u015f olmaz: s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 esas alan ve proletarya devrimcili\u011fini program\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fat iddias\u0131 olarak sunan bu yap\u0131lar\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, koyduklar\u0131 hedefler ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin beklentisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tam anlam\u0131yla bir hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 oldu. DEM Parti b\u00fcnyesinde hareket eden sosyalist partileri saymazsak se\u00e7ime dahil olan sol partiler 31 Mart\u2019taki \u0130l Genel Meclisi oylar\u0131 esas al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda y\u00fczde 1,17 gibi bir oran ve 510 bin civar\u0131 oyla temsili d\u00fczeydeki g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fcklerini ikrar etmi\u015f oldular. Ba\u015faran Aksu\u2019nun dedi\u011fi gibi<\/a>, se\u00e7imci sol \u201cdevlet veya fa\u015fist g\u00fc\u00e7 sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmadan bizzat kendi tarzlar\u0131, tav\u0131rlar\u0131, tercihlerindeki tutars\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 nedeniyle \u00e7uvallad\u0131.\u201d Bunun do\u011frulu\u011fu bir yana, se\u00e7ime girmenin kendisi de zaten bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa giden hatalar\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz k\u0131l\u0131yordu. En nihayetinde \u015fu bir ger\u00e7ek: yanl\u0131\u015f yol do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTemsiliyete s\u0131k\u0131\u015fmak\u201d yaz\u0131s\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve devrimci bir proleter g\u00fc\u00e7 siyasetinin yoklu\u011funda se\u00e7imlerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ideolojik etkiyi \u201ci\u00e7eriden\u201d k\u0131rman\u0131n neden m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Burjuva ideolojik ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n (ya da di\u011fer ad\u0131yla sermayenin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n) birincil manevras\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumun, fakat \u00f6zellikle de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n etki edebilece\u011fi alanlarda siyasetle ekonomiyi birbirinden ay\u0131rmakt\u0131r.2<\/a><\/sup> Se\u00e7imler bu ayr\u0131m\u0131 g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam i\u00e7inde s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretmenin ana ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri. Bu ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma yoluyla sermaye, kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisi etraf\u0131ndaki i\u015fleyi\u015fini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lmaya ve siyaset ile ekonomi aras\u0131ndaki yo\u011fun ili\u015fkiyi fiiliyatta yok saymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Bu ili\u015fkiyi a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmak ve yeniden toplumsal denkleme dahil etmek ise devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f faaliyetinin temel sorumluluklar\u0131ndan biridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Solun se\u00e7imci yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n bu ideolojik ayr\u0131m\u0131 nas\u0131l yeniden \u00fcretti\u011fini \u00f6rneklendirmek i\u00e7in ge\u00e7en seneye, 14 May\u0131s genel se\u00e7imleri etraf\u0131nda yap\u0131lan bir tart\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6nmek istiyorum. Ekinsu Devrim Dan\u0131\u015f ve Murat Uysal YSP listelerinden se\u00e7ilen EMEP milletvekili \u0130skender Bayhan\u2019\u0131n se\u00e7im \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 esnas\u0131nda Esenyurt\u2019ta i\u015f\u00e7ilerle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerden<\/a> \u015f\u00f6yle bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yordu: \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7iler \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hayat\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi zorluklar\u0131 vekil aday\u0131 ile tart\u0131\u015fmaya de\u011fer bir problem ya da siyasetin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor. Ustaba\u015f\u0131 ile aras\u0131ndaki gerilim, fabrikadaki disiplin mekanizmalar\u0131 ya da ek mesai \u00fccretlerinin yat\u0131r\u0131lmamas\u0131 gibi g\u00fcndelik sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi \u201c\u00f6zel\u201d sorunlar\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiriyor […] [vekil aday\u0131 ile] \u00fclke ekonomisini, b\u00fcy\u00fck yat\u0131r\u0131m ve projeleri konu\u015fmak daha \u00f6ncelikli gelebiliyor.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Burada dile getirildi\u011fi bi\u00e7imiyle i\u015f\u00e7inin se\u00e7ime, temsil d\u00fczenine bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 asl\u0131nda solun b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6rg\u00fctsel g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc se\u00e7imlere odaklarken \u0131skalad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fcze \u00e7arp\u0131yor. Burjuva siyasetinin alan\u0131 devlet y\u00f6netimi, b\u00fcy\u00fck projeler ve herkesi (dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kendisini herkesin temsilcisi olarak varsayan sermayeyi) ilgilendiren meselelerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131. O siyasetin i\u00e7inde bir yer tutmaya yeltendi\u011finizde, se\u00e7im vesileyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z bir i\u015f\u00e7inin size herhangi bir burjuva partisinin aday\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 yakla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 beklemek abes olur. Bunu k\u0131racak olan tek \u015fey o i\u015f\u00e7inin de par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011fu ya da onu etki alan\u0131na alan bir g\u00fc\u00e7 siyasetinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak o zaman \u201c\u00f6zel\u201d diye s\u0131n\u0131fland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya\u015famsal sorunlar\u0131 egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n g\u00fcndemine dayatabilece\u011fi bir ara\u00e7 olarak burjuva temsil siyasetinin onun a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir anlam\u0131 ve i\u015flevi olur. Daha \u00f6nce de ifade etti\u011fim gibi<\/a> \u201cburjuva parlamenter ya da ba\u015fkanl\u0131k d\u00fczenleri i\u00e7erisinde se\u00e7imlerin g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f kavgas\u0131na dikmi\u015f devrimciler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu tek bir ko\u015ful var: toplumsal anlamda bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin, bir g\u00fc\u00e7 siyasetinin d\u00fczen kanallar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda halihaz\u0131rda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f olmas\u0131.\u201d Siyaset ve ekonomi aras\u0131ndaki bu ayr\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 a\u015fman\u0131n bundan ba\u015fka, herhangi bir k\u0131sayolu yok. Solun mevcut ko\u015fullarda se\u00e7imlere girmesi ise bunu a\u015fmay\u0131 ge\u00e7tim, bu ayr\u0131m\u0131 daha da derinle\u015ftiren bir etki yarat\u0131yor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Burada bir noktan\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 kal\u0131nca \u00e7izmekte yarar var. Yukar\u0131dakine benzer \u00f6rneklerde esas vahim olan ideolojik ko\u015fullanma, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermaye d\u00fczeni taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lan bu fiili ayr\u0131\u015fmaya uygun hareket etmesi de\u011fil, solun bu ayr\u0131m yokmu\u015f\u00e7as\u0131na burjuva siyasetinden bir beklenti i\u00e7ine girmesidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7inin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na bir milletvekili ya da belediye ba\u015fkan\u0131 aday\u0131 olarak \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda istedi\u011finiz \u201ckom\u00fcnist\u201d ya da \u201csosyalist\u201d partiden geliyor olun, o an kurdu\u011funuz toplumsal ili\u015fki dolay\u0131m\u0131yla se\u00e7menle\u015ftirdi\u011finiz i\u015f\u00e7inin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde sizin ait oldu\u011funuz yer temsilin alan\u0131 olan burjuva siyasetidir. S\u00f6yledi\u011finiz ve \u00f6nerdi\u011finiz her \u015fey bunun dahilinde de\u011ferlendirilir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin siyasile\u015fmesi ise, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n mevcut burjuva siyaset tarz\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u015fu ya da bu parti taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilmesi de\u011fil, ekonomik d\u00fczlemden kopar\u0131l\u0131p temsil mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan bu tarz bir siyasetin reddedilmesi ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ger\u00e7ek \u00f6znele\u015fme alanlar\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Bu tabii ki bug\u00fcnden yar\u0131na olacak bir in\u015fa ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00fcreci de\u011fil. Fakat aylard\u0131r \u00fclkenin d\u00f6rt k\u00f6\u015fesinde yasaklar\u0131 yok say\u0131p fiili direni\u015fe ge\u00e7en, her se\u00e7imde daha y\u00fcksek oranlarda sand\u0131\u011fa gitmemeyi anlaml\u0131 bulan veya sand\u0131kta birbirine hi\u00e7 benzemeyen partilere oy atan3<\/a><\/sup> i\u015f\u00e7ilerin devrimcilere anlatmak istedi\u011fi \u015fey b\u00f6yle bir g\u00fc\u00e7 siyaseti in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n sadece m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil, acil ve \u00f6ncelikli ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011fu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fakat T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sol bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131ya icabet edemiyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu partilerin propaganda ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme faaliyetlerinin hedefi olan toplumsal kesimler \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu i\u015f\u00e7i olsa da s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kentli, sek\u00fcler ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel anlamda bat\u0131l\u0131 denebilecek hayat tarz\u0131na daha yak\u0131n bir katman\u0131na denk geliyor. Uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r hem d\u00fczen muhalefetinin esas taban\u0131 hem de iktidar\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcr sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan hedefi olan bu kitleler kimlik ve hayat tarz\u0131 d\u00fczeyinde ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 daha yoksul ve muhafazakar i\u015f\u00e7ilere g\u00f6re se\u00e7imleri ger\u00e7ek birer siyasi imkan ve etki ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmeye daha yatk\u0131nlar. 31 Mart yerel se\u00e7imleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan fark yaratan unsurlardan biri de se\u00e7imlere bi\u00e7ilen bu \u00f6nem ve oy kullanma davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 oldu. Se\u00e7imden bir beklentisi kalmayanlar say\u0131ca ciddi bir s\u0131\u00e7rama yaparak sand\u0131\u011fa gitmezken burjuva demokratik mekanizmalarda h\u00e2l\u00e2 tutunacak bir dal bulanlar sand\u0131klar\u0131 terk etmedi. Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k bilincini \u00f6nemseyen, hemen hi\u00e7bir \u015fartta oy kullanmaktan vazge\u00e7meyecek, \u015ferhleri olsa dahi sand\u0131k yoluyla ger\u00e7ek toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerin yolunun a\u00e7\u0131labilece\u011fine inanan bu kesimlerin e\u011filimleri sosyalist partilerin d\u00fczen siyasetiyle ili\u015fkisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da belirleyici oluyor. Onu mevcut iktidar\u0131 icraatlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden ele\u015ftiren ama oklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczen siyasetinin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne y\u00f6neltemeyen, devrimci bir iddian\u0131n propagandas\u0131n\u0131 dile getiremeyen bir makull\u00fc\u011fe mecbur k\u0131l\u0131yor. S\u0131n\u0131ftan ziyade k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve kimlik yoluyla ayr\u0131\u015fan ve aktivistl\u015fen bu toplumsal gruplar\u0131n devrimci \u00f6znele\u015fme potansiyeli son 50 y\u0131ll\u0131k post-marksist literat\u00fcr\u00fcn ana konusu ve g\u00fcncel Kautskycili\u011fin ilgi alan\u0131. Biz bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 pas ge\u00e7ip kapitalizmi a\u015fmaya muktedir \u00f6znele\u015fme potansiyelinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal temelli oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fine yaslanmaya devam edelim.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2022 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle demi\u015ftik<\/a>: \u201cHayat\u0131n i\u00e7inde ger\u00e7ek bir zemin ve g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturmadan se\u00e7imleri propaganda olana\u011f\u0131 gibi kullanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak, burjuvazinin se\u00e7im oyununa fig\u00fcran olmaktan ba\u015fka bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131maz. [\u2026] Devrimcilik ise se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecinde her t\u00fcrden burjuvazi hilesinin te\u015fhiri, halka s\u00f6ylenen her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yalan\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve amans\u0131z bir s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erir.\u201d Peki, solu bundan al\u0131koyan ve yukar\u0131da tariflenen hareket tarzlar\u0131n\u0131 sol i\u00e7inde neredeyse sorgulanamaz k\u0131lan temel etken ne?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00fczen siyasetine ve temsil mekanizmalar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fck bu heves bilin\u00e7li bir devrimcilikten uzak durma tercihinden kaynaklanm\u0131yorsa \u015fayet, mevcut duruma dair b\u00fct\u00fcn yanl\u0131\u015f tahliller de, hatal\u0131 ideolojik konumlanmalar da, hi\u00e7bir yol kat ettirmeyen beyhude se\u00e7im taktikleri de ayn\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131ndan, yenilgiyi i\u00e7selle\u015ftiren sorunlu tarih okumas\u0131ndan ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6znele\u015fme potansiyeline dair inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131ktan besleniyor. Buradaki sorunun esas\u0131 kendine \u0131srarla egemen ideolojinin aynas\u0131nda bakmakta yat\u0131yor. Sosyalistler \u00e7ok uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r kendilerini se\u00e7im denen yanl\u0131\u015f terazide tart\u0131yor, siyasi potansiyelleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan oray\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc al\u0131yor. Her sand\u0131kta bir \u00f6ncekinden daha zay\u0131f, daha etkisiz sonu\u00e7lar alsalar da y\u00fczeysel \u00f6zele\u015ftiriler yap\u0131p \u00e7o\u011funlukla kendilerini avutuyor,do\u011fru bildikleri bu yanl\u0131\u015f yolda \u0131srarla y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye devam ediyorlar. Burada g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131lan ger\u00e7ek ise siyasi anlam\u0131yla g\u00fcc\u00fcn niceliksel oldu\u011fu kadar, hatta ondan daha \u00f6nce, niteliksel olarak b\u00fcy\u00fcmek zorunda oldu\u011fu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kendini se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131s\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirdi\u011finde toplam\u0131 y\u00fczde 1\u2019i zorlukla ge\u00e7en etkisiz oy oran\u0131na ve iddial\u0131 kampanyalara ra\u011fmen al\u0131namayan yerel y\u00f6netimlere bak\u0131p gene de \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck olsun bizim olsun\u201d demek, konforlu bir g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck ikrar\u0131na ve hamasi bir \u201cher \u015feye ra\u011fmen hakl\u0131y\u0131z\u201d s\u00f6ylemine kap\u0131lmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Fakat azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 haliyle bile 500 binleri bulan bu se\u00e7men kitlesinin i\u00e7inden, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda gitgide b\u00fcy\u00fcyen memnuniyetsizli\u011fin akaca\u011f\u0131 mecralar\u0131 yaratacak, \u00fclkeyi dur durak demeden kar\u0131\u015f kar\u0131\u015f gezip i\u015f\u00e7i direni\u015flerine g\u00fc\u00e7 verecek, say\u0131ca az da olsa etkili ve sa\u011flam bir devrimci kadroyu \u00e7\u0131karma fikrine odaklanmamak net bir tercih. Agrobay, \u00d6zak, Lezita gibi fiili direni\u015flerin, depocular\u0131n, kuryelerin, madencilerin, metal i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, belediye i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin asla tam olarak s\u00f6n\u00fcmlenmeyen eylemliliklerinin, Seydi\u015fehir\u2019deki gibi b\u00fct\u00fcn bir \u015fehri harekete ge\u00e7iren s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7alkalan\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n, Bar\u0131nam\u0131yoruz ya da Filistin i\u00e7in Bin Gen\u00e7 gibi do\u011fru zamanda do\u011fru eylemlerle ses getirmeyi, kalabal\u0131klar\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irmeyi ba\u015faran gen\u00e7lik hareketlerinin bize g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi, kadrolar\u0131n niceliksel k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ra\u011fmen etkin bi\u00e7imde g\u00fc\u00e7 in\u015fa edecek siyasi faaliyetlerin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu. Se\u00e7imlere harcanan eme\u011fin ve kayna\u011f\u0131n \u00e7ok daha az\u0131yla bu \u00f6rnekleri \u00e7o\u011faltman\u0131n ya da olanlar\u0131 daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u0131lman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu ortada. Bunu yapmaman\u0131n bir bahanesi olamaz, olmamal\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eairin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir isabetle ifade etti\u011fi gibi, sosyalistlerin art\u0131k kendilerine yeniden \u201cOy pusulalar\u0131n\u0131 ve se\u00e7imleri b\u0131rak \/ Evet \/ Se\u00e7imleri \u00f6zellikle b\u0131rak \/ \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc a\u00e7l\u0131k \u00e7o\u011funluktad\u0131r\u201d demesi gerekiyor. Sosyalizm iddias\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 dayad\u0131\u011f\u0131 200 k\u00fcs\u00fcr y\u0131ll\u0131k m\u00fccadele ge\u00e7mi\u015finin, oradan s\u00fcz\u00fclerek gelen teorik birikimin ve ba\u015fka bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funa inanan, bu ama\u00e7 u\u011fruna var\u0131n\u0131 yo\u011funu ortaya koymaya g\u00f6n\u00fcl\u00fc insanlar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc hafife almaktan vazge\u00e7mek, kapitalist hegemonyan\u0131n siyaset ve ekonomi aras\u0131nda olu\u015fturdu\u011fu fiili ayr\u0131m\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmaya, yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 ve oyalay\u0131c\u0131 temsil mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmaya, d\u00fczen siyasetine kar\u015f\u0131 proletaryan\u0131n devrimci siyasetini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye cesaret etmek gerekiyor. Bug\u00fcn bunu ba\u015farmak ne zor ne de imkans\u0131z. Bunun i\u00e7in gereken kadrolar\u0131 olu\u015fturacak silkinmeyi yaratmak, onlar\u0131 ayakta tutacak maddi a\u011flar\u0131 \u00f6rmek ve ufku proletarya devrimi olan bir cepheyi in\u015fa etmek bir g\u00f6rev oldu\u011fu kadar bir zorunluluk da. Biraz irade ve cesaret, yeter de artar bile.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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  1. Her ne kadar yaz\u0131daki tan\u0131m yeterince a\u00e7\u0131k olsa da belirtmekte fayda var. K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi ve onun temsil siyaseti alan\u0131ndaki \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi DEM Parti hem kendisini s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 merkeze alan, temel ve \u00f6ncelikli iddias\u0131 bunun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 olan bir siyasi hatta konumland\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, hem de geni\u015f ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir halk g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanan, birbiriyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fik g\u00fc\u00e7 siyaseti ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcnyesinde i\u00e7eren bir yap\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in buradaki de\u011ferlendirme ve ele\u015ftirilerin kapsam\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kal\u0131yor. Fakat K\u00d6H\u2019le ittifak halinde hareket eden ve siyasi oda\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlayan yap\u0131lar da bir d\u00fczeyde bu ele\u015ftirilerin muhatab\u0131 kabul edilebilir. \u21a9\ufe0e<\/a><\/li>
  2. Bu konuda E. M. Wood\u2019un \u015fu s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc de hat\u0131rlatmakta yarar var: \u201cKapitalist hegemonyan\u0131n dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel \u00f6nerme, \u2018siyasal\u2019 alan ile \u2018ekonomik\u2019 alan\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel olarak ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 ve demokrasinin bi\u00e7imsel uygulamalarla hukuksal ilkelerden olu\u015fan soyut bir siyasal alana hapsedilmesidir.\u201d \u21a9\ufe0e<\/a><\/li>
  3. Evrensel Gazetesi\u2019nin \u201cSoru\u015fturma: \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler yata\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ar\u0131yor<\/a>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yay\u0131mlanan ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na g\u00f6re i\u015f\u00e7ilerin i\u00e7inde, yerel se\u00e7imlerdeki 3 pusulaya ayr\u0131lan oylar\u0131n\u0131 CHP-YRP-EMEP gibi, CHP-AKP gibi ya da DEM Parti-CHP gibi farkl\u0131 ve ideolojik olarak uzla\u015fmaz g\u00f6r\u00fcnen partilere da\u011f\u0131tanlar var. Bu \u00f6rnekler i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n oylar\u0131n\u0131 ideolojik saiklerden \u00e7ok taktiksel, pragmatik bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla verdi\u011finin de bir g\u00f6stergesi. \u21a9\ufe0e<\/a><\/li><\/ol>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Bundan tam bir sene \u00f6nce, yakla\u015fan 14 May\u0131s genel se\u00e7imleri her se\u00e7im d\u00f6neminde oldu\u011fu gibi b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcndemi ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015f durumdayd\u0131. O g\u00fcnlerde yay\u0131mlanan \u201cTemsiliyete s\u0131k\u0131\u015fmak ve Sol\u2019un se\u00e7imi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de iddias\u0131n\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funu koyan parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin, burjuva siyasetinin temel mekanizmalar\u0131ndan olan se\u00e7imlere dair yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 tarihsel s\u00fcreklilik dahilinde ele\u015ftirmi\u015f, temsil […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":35431,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"[{\"content\":\"Her ne kadar yaz\u0131daki tan\u0131m yeterince a\u00e7\u0131k olsa da belirtmekte fayda var. K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi ve onun temsil siyaseti alan\u0131ndaki \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi DEM Parti hem kendisini s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 merkeze alan, temel ve \u00f6ncelikli iddias\u0131 bunun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 olan bir siyasi hatta konumland\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, hem de geni\u015f ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir halk g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanan, birbiriyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fik g\u00fc\u00e7 siyaseti ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcnyesinde i\u00e7eren bir yap\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in buradaki de\u011ferlendirme ve ele\u015ftirilerin kapsam\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kal\u0131yor. Fakat K\u00d6H\u2019le ittifak halinde hareket eden ve siyasi oda\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlayan yap\u0131lar da bir d\u00fczeyde bu ele\u015ftirilerin muhatab\u0131 kabul edilebilir. \",\"id\":\"1267ff73-8650-460c-be17-ea050a7ca237\"},{\"content\":\"Bu konuda E. M. Wood\u2019un \u015fu s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc de hat\u0131rlatmakta yarar var: \u201cKapitalist hegemonyan\u0131n dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel \u00f6nerme, \u2018siyasal\u2019 alan ile \u2018ekonomik\u2019 alan\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel olarak ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 ve demokrasinin bi\u00e7imsel uygulamalarla hukuksal ilkelerden olu\u015fan soyut bir siyasal alana hapsedilmesidir.\u201d\",\"id\":\"ada6dc6e-2895-4b9c-8707-0926bdbc035c\"},{\"content\":\"Evrensel Gazetesi\u2019nin \u201cSoru\u015fturma: \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler yata\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ar\u0131yor<\/a>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yay\u0131mlanan ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na g\u00f6re i\u015f\u00e7ilerin i\u00e7inde, yerel se\u00e7imlerdeki 3 pusulaya ayr\u0131lan oylar\u0131n\u0131 CHP-YRP-EMEP gibi, CHP-AKP gibi ya da DEM Parti-CHP gibi farkl\u0131 ve ideolojik olarak uzla\u015fmaz g\u00f6r\u00fcnen partilere da\u011f\u0131tanlar var. Bu \u00f6rnekler i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n oylar\u0131n\u0131 ideolojik saiklerden \u00e7ok taktiksel, pragmatik bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla verdi\u011finin de bir g\u00f6stergesi.\",\"id\":\"d3c4b598-bdbf-419c-a458-c01fae959a3b\"}]"},"categories":[2,20,16],"tags":[1510,1650,1485,652,1450,455,1467,175,1559,1122,388,313,1005,186,548,1448,1651,1585],"yoast_head":"\nSol\u2019un se\u00e7imi: Yanl\u0131\u015f terazi - e-komite<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/e-komite.com\/2024\/solun-secimi-yanlis-terazi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Sol\u2019un se\u00e7imi: Yanl\u0131\u015f terazi - e-komite\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Bundan tam bir sene \u00f6nce, yakla\u015fan 14 May\u0131s genel se\u00e7imleri her se\u00e7im d\u00f6neminde oldu\u011fu gibi b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcndemi ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015f durumdayd\u0131. 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