{"id":35292,"date":"2024-02-22T18:25:45","date_gmt":"2024-02-22T15:25:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/e-komite.com\/?p=35292"},"modified":"2024-02-25T15:53:50","modified_gmt":"2024-02-25T12:53:50","slug":"populizmden-sonra-cihan-tugal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/e-komite.com\/2024\/populizmden-sonra-cihan-tugal\/","title":{"rendered":"Pop\u00fclizmden sonra? – Cihan Tu\u011fal"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Uzun s\u00fcredir e-komite sitesinde kitap de\u011ferlendirmeleri de yay\u0131mlamay\u0131 istiyoruz fakat bug\u00fcne dek denk getirememi\u015ftik. Bu yaz\u0131 Anton J\u00e4ger ve Arthur Borriello\u2019nun hen\u00fcz T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evrilmemi\u015f The Populist Moment<\/em>\u2019i \u00fczerine bir de\u011ferlendirme. Her iki yazar da sol pop\u00fclizm diye bildi\u011fimiz siyasi ak\u0131ma dair son on y\u0131lda ortak ve ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 pek \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yapm\u0131\u015f gen\u00e7 Avrupal\u0131 akademisyenler. Konuyla ilgili okurlar Catalyst<\/em>, Jacobin<\/em> ve ba\u015fka mecralarda her ikisinin de yaz\u0131lar\u0131na rastlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. J\u00e4ger\u2019in doktora tezi Amerikan pop\u00fclizmiyle ilgiliyken, Borriello G\u00fcney Avrupa\u2019da 2008 krizi sonras\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan sol pop\u00fclist kitle seferberli\u011fine odaklan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ki yazar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ilgin\u00e7 yapan bir nokta var. Avrupal\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar pop\u00fclizmi sa\u011f tandansl\u0131, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i ak\u0131mlarla e\u015fitlemeye meyilliler. Buna istisna olarak da sadece Laclau ve Mouffe\u2019un Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji<\/em>\u2019sinden m\u00fclhem, asl\u0131nda \u201csol pop\u00fclist\u201d gibi belirsiz bir tan\u0131mdan ziyade \u201cradikal demokrasi\u201d denerek \u00e7ok daha do\u011fru ifade edilebilen politik e\u011filim bilinir. Bu iki Avrupal\u0131 yazar, daha ziyade Amerikan gelene\u011fi i\u00e7inde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar ve ABD\u2019de, \u00f6zellikle akademi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, pop\u00fclizm ifadesi yerlici de olsa politik ekonomi mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n sonucu olarak altta kalanlar\u0131n siyasi hareketini ifade etmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. Radikal demokrasi tarz\u0131 yani her t\u00fcrden madunun yan yana yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir araya geli\u015fler, oradaki deyimle \u201cg\u00f6kku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 koalisyonlar\u0131\u201d ise pop\u00fclizm k\u00fcmesi i\u00e7inde say\u0131lmaz. Her ne kadar g\u00f6kku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 koalisyonu ifadesi ilk olarak Kara Panter Partisi\u2019nin Fred Hampton \u00f6nderli\u011findeki Chicago \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn yerel Porto Rikolu ve g\u00fcneyden Chicago\u2019ya g\u00f6\u00e7 etmi\u015f (konfederasyon sanca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da simge olarak kullanan) yoksul beyazlar\u0131n sokak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleriyle \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131, hakiki bir \u00f6fkeli bald\u0131r\u0131\u00e7\u0131plaklar koalisyonunu tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa da.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2008 krizi sonras\u0131 iyice g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelen neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin yoksulla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131, geleceksizle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ve a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131 daha ziyade yerli kitlelerin anaak\u0131m siyasete, ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6fkesini sol siyasi jargonla \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Sanders, Corbyn, Melenchon gibi liderlerin siyasi hareketinin analizi ku\u015fkusuz bu Amerikan gelene\u011fi i\u00e7inden ama zihin d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 Atlantik’in \u00f6tesinin politik alg\u0131lar\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rmadan daha do\u011fru yap\u0131labilir. J\u00e4ger ve Borriello\u2019nun \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 bu bak\u0131mdan ilgin\u00e7. Bunu sadece biz de\u011fil sevgili Cihan Tu\u011fal da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f ki bu de\u011ferlendirmeyi yazm\u0131\u015f, \u00e7evirip yay\u0131mlamam\u0131za da onay verdi. Cihan Tu\u011fal, bu sol pop\u00fclist stratejinin ABD ba\u011flam\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kuvvetli kitle seferberli\u011finin, siyasi ve toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn, yak\u0131ndan bir tan\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak J\u00e4ger ve Borriello\u2019dan daha iyimser bir de\u011ferlendirmeye sahip oldu\u011funu ifade ediyor. Kitab\u0131n yazarlar\u0131 ise onun tersine her ne kadar i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz siyasal momentin pop\u00fclist hareketlere alan a\u00e7sa da onlar\u0131n stratejisinin bir nevi yenilgiye mahkum oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde diyebiliriz. Kimin hakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu belki de taze bir sol pop\u00fclist siyasal ak\u0131m Almanya\u2019da bug\u00fcnlerde olu\u015furken ya\u015fayarak g\u00f6rece\u011fiz. \u0130yi okumalar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Arthur Borriello ve Anton J\u00e4ger\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u201cuzun 2010\u2019lar\u0131n\u201d Avrupa-Amerikan sol pop\u00fclist d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc art\u0131k sona erdi, bu hareketlerin etkileri de \u201ci\u00e7 karart\u0131c\u0131 ve t\u00fckenmi\u015f\u201d halde. Jacobin<\/em> i\u00e7in daha \u00f6nce ortak kaleme ald\u0131klar\u0131 yaz\u0131lardan yola \u00e7\u0131karak yazd\u0131klar\u0131 kitap, be\u015f se\u00e7im hareketinin (Syriza, Podemos, La France insoumise, Corbynizm ve Sanders kampanyas\u0131) kaderini bu hareketleri birbiriyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen iki tarihsel kriz ba\u011flam\u0131na yerle\u015ftirerek a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 deniyor: finansal \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ile neoliberalizmin sivil toplumu erozyona u\u011fratmas\u0131. Bu geli\u015fmeler, y\u00f6netenler ile y\u00f6netilenler aras\u0131nda derin bir \u00e7atlak yaratarak, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan adaylar\u0131n anaak\u0131m siyasete girmesine olanak sa\u011flad\u0131. Ancak bu yabanc\u0131lar\u0131n atomize olmu\u015f bir toplumsal ortamda hegemonya in\u015fa etmek gibi zorlu bir g\u00f6revi vard\u0131. Ama\u00e7lar\u0131 (demobilizasyon \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda mobilizasyonu yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmek) takdire \u015fayand\u0131, ne var ki taktikleri yetersiz kald\u0131. S\u0131ras\u0131yla Oxford ve Namur \u00fcniversitelerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Bel\u00e7ikal\u0131 gen\u00e7 siyaset bilimciler J\u00e4ger ve Borriello, bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tarihsel nedenlerini ve 2020\u2019lerin solunun bundan \u00e7\u0131karabilece\u011fi dersleri de\u011ferlendiriyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pop\u00fclist Moment<\/em> (The Populist Moment) kitab\u0131 basit bir te\u015fhisle ba\u015fl\u0131yor: K\u00fcresel Kuzey\u2019deki sol pop\u00fclizm, etkin bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinden ve kitle siyasetinden mahrum siyasi tabloya, yani eski sosyal demokrat partilerin neoliberal d\u00fczeni benimsemesiyle h\u0131zlanan ikili bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fe verilen tepkiydi. 1970\u2019lerdeki ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan elitler daha \u00f6nce servetin ve iktidar\u0131n toplumsal da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 bir dereceye kadar m\u00fczakere edebilen \u00fcyelik temelli \u00f6rg\u00fctleri bozguna u\u011fratmak i\u00e7in uyum i\u00e7inde hareket ettiler. Partiler, sendikalar, kul\u00fcpler, dernekler ve kiliseler yok edilerek yerlerine lobiler ve \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131 kuruldu. Ulusal demokrasi \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler eliyle h\u00fck\u00fcms\u00fcz k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131. Liberal ayd\u0131nlar parlamentolar\u0131n ve se\u00e7imlerin giderek \u00f6nemsizle\u015fmesini kay\u0131ts\u0131zca yorumlarken, ucuz krediler ve finansalla\u015fma yeni bir \u201cvarl\u0131k vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d modelini yerle\u015ftirdi. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger\u2019e g\u00f6re, sol bu konjonkt\u00fcrde 1985\u2019te Adam Przeworski\u2019nin Kapitalizm ve Sosyal Demokrasi<\/em> (Capitalism and Social Democracy) kitab\u0131nda tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ikilemle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131: ya say\u0131lar\u0131 azalsa da projesini \u00fcretken i\u015f\u00e7ilere ba\u011flayacakt\u0131 ya da program\u0131n tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 pahas\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 ittifaklar kuracakt\u0131. Partizanlar\u0131 ikinci se\u00e7ene\u011fi tercih etti, \u201cyaln\u0131zca fabrikadan de\u011fil kamusal alandan da s\u00fcr\u00fclen\u201d sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n olas\u0131 bir \u00f6nc\u00fc birlik olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131ndayd\u0131lar. Bunu yaparken de Ernesto Laclau\u2019nun karizmatik bir liderin toplumu yeni ikili fraksiyonlara b\u00f6lmek \u00fczere hegemonik ifadelerden yararland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cpop\u00fclist ak\u0131l\u201d kavram\u0131na ba\u015fvurdular: az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7o\u011funluk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Borriello ve J\u00e4ger, terimin \u00e7e\u015fitli yanl\u0131\u015f kullan\u0131mlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 (genelde siyasi i\u00e7eri\u011fi ne olursa olsun hakim liberal e\u011filime y\u00f6nelik her t\u00fcrl\u00fc itiraz\u0131 reddetmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131l\u0131r) pop\u00fclizmi s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan ve hi\u00e7bir sosyal tabakan\u0131n ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir role sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyaset olarak tan\u0131mlar. Pop\u00fclizmin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 kapitalizm de\u011fil \u201coligar\u015fik yozla\u015fmad\u0131r\u201d ve tercih etti\u011fi toplumsal kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar patronlara kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler veya sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 emek de\u011fil, bor\u00e7lulara kar\u015f\u0131 alacakl\u0131lar veya halka kar\u015f\u0131 elitlerdir. Pop\u00fclizm, \u201csosyal demokrat bir se\u00e7ene\u011fin mevcut olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da g\u00f6zden d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, demokratik arabuluculuk kanallar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0131kand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve halk koalisyonunun ana toplumsal gruplar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6rece par\u00e7al\u0131 ve izole oldu\u011fu, bu nedenle birle\u015fme i\u00e7in feryat etti\u011fi\u201d durumlarda geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. Siyasi temsil krizlerinin ortas\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak ne kadar belirsiz tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f olursa olsun \u201cdemokrasi\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulunur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2008\u2019deki finansal \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f, evlerin haczedilmesi ve \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol\u2019a olan inanca g\u00f6lge d\u00fc\u015fmesi sayesinde bu yakla\u015f\u0131ma yeni bir a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m yaratt\u0131. Siyasi s\u00fckunet kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda orta s\u0131n\u0131fa ev konforu vaat eden teknokratlar\u0131n iktidar\u0131 bir anda h\u00fck\u00fcms\u00fcz hale geldi. Kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131n\u0131n dayat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan \u00f6fkeli gen\u00e7ler sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fc: Zuccotti Park\u2019\u0131 i\u015fgal ettiler, Gran Via\u2019y\u0131 bloke ettiler, hatta neredeyse Yunan Parlamentosu\u2019nu basacaklard\u0131. Ne var ki, birle\u015fik bir g\u00fcndemden yoksun olan en radikal eylemler bile somut bir sonu\u00e7 vermedi. Euro B\u00f6lgesi\u2019ndeki bu \u00e7\u0131kmaz, ortak bir dizi \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u00f6zellik sergileyen, cevval, dijitalle\u015ftirilmi\u015f, yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya ve se\u00e7imci yeni siyasal ara\u00e7lar\u0131n tesis edilmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. ABD ve Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k\u2019\u0131n iki partili sistemlerinde de benzer hareketler merkez solun mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger\u2019in g\u00f6zlemine g\u00f6re, \u201cilk adaletsizlik iddialar\u0131 ekonomik krizin k\u00f6t\u00fc y\u00f6netilmesine bir tepkiyse, buna tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6rg\u00fctler sivil toplumun son birka\u00e7 ony\u0131lda kontrols\u00fczce i\u00e7inin bo\u015falt\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi, hatta bunu taklit etti.\u201d Pop\u00fclizm, yo\u011fun toplumsal a\u011flar\u0131n yoklu\u011funda se\u00e7menleri sosyal medya platformlar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla harekete ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131, etkisiz bir yatayc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yerine \u00e7evrimi\u00e7i ileti\u015fime ve liderin ki\u015fisel \u00fcn\u00fcne dayal\u0131 bir stratejiyi yerle\u015ftirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yazarlar, bu sol pop\u00fclist projelerin y\u00fckseldi\u011fi ve suya d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ko\u015fullara dair makul a\u00e7\u0131klamalar sunuyor. Syriza, 2015 se\u00e7imlerini kazand\u0131 ama iki ay i\u00e7inde Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin kemer s\u0131kma taleplerine boyun e\u011fdi. Podemos, 2016\u2019ya kadar istikrarl\u0131 kazan\u0131mlar elde etti, yine de pop\u00fclaritesi \u015fiddetli i\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler, Katalan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusundaki kutupla\u015fmalar ve Vox’un y\u00fckseli\u015fi nedeniyle zarar g\u00f6rd\u00fc. lfi, merkez sol rakiplerini g\u00f6lgede b\u0131raksa da mecliste \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu elde edemedi. Otokratik yap\u0131s\u0131 kitlesel bir taban olu\u015fturmas\u0131n\u0131 engelliyor, Le Pen\u2019in Ulusal Birlik partisinin s\u00fcrekli y\u00fckseli\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 bir yan\u0131t\u0131 da yok gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Corbyn her \u015feye ra\u011fmen \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7ti ama hem Brexit politikas\u0131n\u0131 hem de amans\u0131z hizip sava\u015flar\u0131na ve medyan\u0131n karalama kampanyalar\u0131na verdi\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede eline y\u00fcz\u00fcne bula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Sanders, Trump d\u00f6neminde demokratik m\u00fcesses nizama yakla\u015fmadan ve Biden d\u00f6neminde boyun e\u011fmeden \u00f6nce, ilk ba\u015fkanl\u0131k kampanyas\u0131yla Amerikan solunu canland\u0131rd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Podemos\u2019un can\u0131g\u00f6n\u00fclden benimsedi\u011fi \u201csaf\u201d pop\u00fclist yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131 bir iktidar blo\u011fu yaratamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger, Podemos\u2019un kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z stratejiyi \u015f\u00f6yle te\u015fhis ediyor: Lidercilik (partinin ki\u015fiselle\u015ftirilmesi) Laclau\u2019nun kuramsalla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bir dizi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n ve h\u00fcsran\u0131n tek bir fig\u00fcrde yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na olanak tan\u0131d\u0131. Ne var ki, bu farkl\u0131 se\u00e7men gruplar\u0131 lider fig\u00fcr\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fcl\u00fc aura\u2019s\u0131n\u0131 kaybeder kaybetmez kendi yollar\u0131na gittiler. Dijitalle\u015fme, milyonlarca muhalif ya da \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz se\u00e7meni harekete ge\u00e7irebildi ama onlar\u0131 e\u011fitmekte ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olan zay\u0131f ve k\u0131sa \u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc aktivizm bi\u00e7imlerini te\u015fvik etti. Gev\u015fek parti yap\u0131lar\u0131 h\u0131zl\u0131 karar almay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lsa da sol pop\u00fclizmi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden mahrum b\u0131rakarak, fazlas\u0131yla dikey oldu\u011fu kadar disiplinden ve hesap verebilirlikten yoksun siyasi yap\u0131lar yaratt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu t\u00fcrden y\u00f6ntemlere fazlaca g\u00fcvenmek, pop\u00fclist momentin farkl\u0131 ulusal ba\u011flamlardaki sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamaya olanak tan\u0131yor. Yazarlar, Syriza\u2019n\u0131n Avrupa Birli\u011fi eliyle \u201cetkisizle\u015ftirildi\u011fini\u201d yaz\u0131yor. Corbynizm 2019 se\u00e7imlerinde d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fc, ard\u0131ndan kamusal hayattan \u201ckayboldu\u201d. Podemos b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc ve pop\u00fclist stratejisini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde terk etti, Sanchez\u2019in PSOE h\u00fck\u00fcmetindeki k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck koalisyon orta\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fcyle parlamenter bir parti olarak \u201cnormalle\u015fti\u201d. lfi, Frans\u0131z solunu \u201cyeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeyi\u201d ba\u015fard\u0131, ama di\u011fer ilerici partiler \u00fczerindeki g\u00fcc\u00fc \u201chegemonik\u201d olmaktan ziyade \u201c\u00e7o\u011funluk\u00e7u\u201d oldu. Bernie hareketi de Demokratlar ile Cumhuriyet\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki kutupla\u015fman\u0131n bir\u00e7ok militan\u0131 Biden ayg\u0131t\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan yutulunca \u201cpar\u00e7aland\u0131\u201d, di\u011ferleri ise da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu kampanyalar post-politika \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda yenilik\u00e7i bir siyaset geli\u015ftirmi\u015f olabilirler, ancak ortak y\u00f6r\u00fcngelerinin  (\u201cetkileyici bir y\u00fckseli\u015fin\u201d ard\u0131ndan gelen \u201cse\u00e7im durgunlu\u011fu ve stratejik teredd\u00fct\u201d) temelindeki yap\u0131sal bir zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011fa i\u015faret ediyor. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger, Peter Mair\u2019in Bo\u015flu\u011fa H\u00fckmetmek<\/em> (Ruling the Void) kitab\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131karak, bu yeni sol hareketlerin faaliyet g\u00f6stermek zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cbo\u015flu\u011fun\u201d esasen \u201cyeterince bo\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d sonucuna var\u0131yor. Kamusal alan\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131 Tsipras, Corbyn, Iglesias, M\u00e9lenchon ve Sanders\u2019\u0131n kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir toplumsal tabandan yoksun olduklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Ayr\u0131ca toplumda herhangi bir sol rakibin \u00f6n\u00fcnde b\u00fcy\u00fck engeller olu\u015fturmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren partiler, medya holdingleri, devlet yap\u0131lar\u0131 gibi uzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 unsurlar da vard\u0131. Pop\u00fclist taktikler, kendilerini do\u011furan toplumsal krizleri yans\u0131tarak bu t\u00fcr engellerin \u00fcstesinden gelemediklerini kan\u0131tlad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalan 2010\u2019lar\u0131n sol hareketlerinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00fc\u00e7 se\u00e7enek vard\u0131: Sanders ve Corbyn\u2019in izledi\u011fi yolda oldu\u011fu gibi d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k stat\u00fcleri pahas\u0131na sa\u011flar\u0131ndaki olu\u015fumlarla ittifaklar kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fabilirlerdi, ilk Podemos bahsinde oldu\u011fu gibi b\u00f6yle bir ittifak\u0131 reddedip kendilerini ilgisizli\u011fe mahkum etme riski ta\u015f\u0131yan pop\u00fclist hipotezi b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle benimseyebilirlerdi ya da lfi ve belki de Syriza\u2019n\u0131n projesinde oldu\u011fu gibi daha dayan\u0131kl\u0131 bir parti yap\u0131s\u0131 olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in u\u011fra\u015fabilir ve kitlesel bir siyasi k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yoklu\u011funda anakronizm gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de uzun bir mevzi sava\u015f\u0131na giri\u015febilirlerdi. Ancak nihayetinde ne ho\u015fnutsuz se\u00e7menlere ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in \u201ctam\u201d bir pop\u00fclist strateji ne de daha geleneksel bir sol yakla\u015f\u0131m, yani \u00f6nc\u00fc-kar\u015f\u0131-hegemonik bir koalisyon olu\u015fturabildiler. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sosyal demokratlar\u0131, Przeworski\u2019nin s\u00f6zleriyle \u201cya fazla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ya da fazla orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u201d iken, onlar\u0131n miras\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 \u201cya fazla sol ya da fazla pop\u00fclist\u201d oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Borriello ve J\u00e4ger\u2019e g\u00f6re a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 pop\u00fclizm se\u00e7imlerde daha b\u00fcy\u00fck ba\u015far\u0131lar elde etmi\u015f olsa da ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kt\u0131r. Trump gibi fig\u00fcrler, mutatis mutandis<\/em>, F\u00fchrer\u2019den \u00e7ok Marx\u2019\u0131n \u00fcnl\u00fc Louis Bonaparte portresini an\u0131msat\u0131r. Herhangi bir kitle taban\u0131ndan ziyade medya g\u00f6sterisine dayan\u0131rlar ki bize bunun anlaml\u0131 bir de\u011fi\u015fim yaratma becerilerini tehlikeye att\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenir. Ne var ki, yazarlar sa\u011f pop\u00fclizmin sol muadili kadar beyhude oldu\u011fundan emin olsalar da kitap mu\u011flak bir notla sona eriyor. Art\u0131k Extinction Rebellion\u2019dan QAnon\u2019a kadarki ideolojik yelpazede yeni bir \u201chareket\u00e7ili\u011fin\u201d y\u00fckseli\u015fine tan\u0131k oluyoruz. Bu t\u00fcrden hareketlerin \u201c\u00fcye listeleri yoktur, takip\u00e7ilerine disiplin uygulamakta zorlan\u0131rlar ve kendilerini \u00f6rg\u00fctler halinde resmile\u015ftirmezler\u201d. Fazlas\u0131yla politize olmu\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ancak h\u00e2l\u00e2 kitle siyaseti i\u00e7in gerekli kurumsal temelden yoksun bir ortam yarat\u0131rlar. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger, neredeyse ak\u015fam yeme\u011fi sohbetlerinin veya sosyal medya profilinin kamusal tart\u0131\u015fmalara a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k verdi\u011fini yaz\u0131yor. Bu da \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelelerin, tutarl\u0131 ideolojilerin ya da politika platformlar\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6ks\u00fcz bir \u201chiper-politikad\u0131r\u201d. Etkin bir devletin ya da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sivil toplumun yoklu\u011funda, bu k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ruh hali \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki y\u0131llara hakim olacak gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Populist Moment<\/em>, bu siyasi deneylerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fc \u00fczerine g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc tezler sunarak literat\u00fcre katk\u0131da bulunuyor. 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l Avrupa-Amerikan solunu sentezleyen a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 kuramsal a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc ve iddial\u0131. Ne var ki, bu a\u00e7\u0131klama baz\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamalardan muzdarip. Bir kere, s\u00f6z konusu vakalar aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00fczle\u015ftiriyor. Analizinin genel hatlar\u0131 sa\u011flam: hem kemer s\u0131kma kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 protestolar hem de onlar\u0131n pop\u00fclist ard\u0131llar\u0131 halk\u0131 oligar\u015fiye kar\u015f\u0131 yeni, s\u0131n\u0131f d\u0131\u015f\u0131 eksenlerde harekete ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak kitap bu pop\u00fclist partilerin her birinin \u201csol ve sa\u011f ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ti\u011fi\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131 belgeleyemiyor. Elbette, Podemos\u2019un ilk d\u00f6nemi sol ve sa\u011f dilini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a reddederek spektrumun bir ucunda yer al\u0131rken, Syriza\u2019n\u0131n ilk d\u00f6nemi de a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u201cradikal sol\u201d ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ferek di\u011fer ucunda bulunuyordu. Bu olu\u015fumlar\u0131n hepsi \u201cpop\u00fclist hipoteze\u201d doktriner bir ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa sahip de\u011fildi. Corbyn\u2019in k\u0131demli dan\u0131\u015fmanlar\u0131ndan baz\u0131lar\u0131 Laclaucu siyasal ak\u0131ldan uzak bir \u0130ngiliz kom\u00fcnist gelene\u011finden geliyordu. Se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemlerinde \u201cliderci\u201d taktikleri ara\u00e7sal bak\u0131mdan benimsemi\u015f olabilirler, ama olas\u0131 bir Corbyn h\u00fck\u00fcmeti pop\u00fclist olmaktan ziyade sol sosyal demokrat olacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dahas\u0131, Borriello ve J\u00e4ger bu pop\u00fclist projelere ili\u015fkin artakalan naif iyimserli\u011fi s\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, bazen \u00e7ubu\u011fu di\u011fer y\u00f6ne do\u011fru fazla b\u00fckerek bu projelerin hi\u00e7bir olumlu miras b\u0131rakmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyorlar. ABD\u2019nin entelekt\u00fcel solunun son on y\u0131lda yeni bir radikal grubun geli\u015fiyle yeniden canland\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u015f\u00fcphe yok, Corbynist radikalle\u015fmenin kal\u0131c\u0131 etkisi de \u0130srail Savunma Kuvvetleri\u2019nin Gazze\u2019yi yok etmesine kar\u015f\u0131 \u0130ngiltere\u2019de devam eden eylemlerde a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Fransa\u2019n\u0131n art\u0131k ulusal \u00f6l\u00e7ekte bir radikal sol partisi var, bu partinin 1980\u2019lerde PCF\u2019nin neredeyse yok olmas\u0131ndan bu yana eksikli\u011fi hissediliyordu. Podemos asgari \u00fccrette m\u00fctevaz\u0131 ama ger\u00e7ek iyile\u015ftirmelere dikkat \u00e7ekebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pop\u00fclist Momen<\/em>t, bu be\u015f \u00f6rnekten ABD ve Bat\u0131 Avrupa d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki pop\u00fclizmleri genellerken de hata yap\u0131yor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, Borriello ve J\u00e4ger\u2019in g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc yanlar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemekte erken davrand\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz sa\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda da sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131yor. Trump\u2019\u0131n sa\u011f pop\u00fclizminin iki b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015f aras\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f\u0131n belirleyici \u00f6zelliklerinden (\u201ckitlesel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, toplumun militarizasyonu, bilimsel \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k\u201d) yoksun oldu\u011funu iddia ediyorlar, bu do\u011fru. Ancak bu unsurlar\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ya da tamam\u0131 ba\u015fka yerlerde bolca bulunabilir. Macaristan\u2019da Fidesz, neoliberalizm toplumu tamamen par\u00e7alam\u0131\u015f olsa da sa\u011f\u0131n uyuyan bir\u00e7ok sivil kapasitesini yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctledi, yeniden harekete ge\u00e7irdi ve bunlar\u0131 yerli kapitalistlerin hizmetine sundu. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de AKP\u2019nin piyasa reformlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde say\u0131s\u0131z sivil toplum grubu, parti, hatta sendikan\u0131n yeniden aktif hale getirilmesiyle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc. Rejim, birlikte geni\u015f bir sa\u011f kanat tak\u0131madas\u0131 olu\u015fturan dini, milliyet\u00e7i, hay\u0131rsever ve paramiliter \u00f6rg\u00fctlere g\u00fcveniyor. Hindistan\u2019da \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ideoloji, toplumu militarize eden ve Hindular\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131klara kar\u015f\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7iren yerle\u015fik bir kitle partisi ve onun sivil i\u015ftiraklerince desteklendi ve yay\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu bizi daha geni\u015f bir bo\u015flu\u011fa getiriyor, yani kitab\u0131n pop\u00fclizm ve sosyalizmin ba\u011fda\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusundaki \u0131srar\u0131na. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger, Przeworski\u2019ye g\u00f6re sosyal demokrasiyi ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri rahats\u0131z eden \u201corta s\u0131n\u0131f ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015f toku\u015fun art\u0131k pop\u00fclist ve sosyalist yakla\u015f\u0131m aras\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015f toku\u015fta yeniden v\u00fccut buldu\u011funu\u201d savunuyor. Ancak b\u00f6yle bir \u201cde\u011fi\u015f toku\u015fun\u201d neden gerekli oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k de\u011fil. Yazarlar, siyasetin birbirini d\u0131\u015flayan se\u00e7enekler aras\u0131nda s\u0131f\u0131r toplaml\u0131 kararlara indirgenemeyece\u011finin fark\u0131ndad\u0131r. 2010\u2019lu y\u0131llar\u0131n sol partilerinin, potansiyel se\u00e7menlerinin \u00e7oklu ve \u00e7eli\u015fkili \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 uzla\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, bunun da genellikle programlar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda kas\u0131tl\u0131 belirsizlik yaratmay\u0131, s\u00fcrekli U d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fleri ve taktik tavizler vermeyi, farkl\u0131 siyasi stratejiler aras\u0131nda arabuluculuk yapmay\u0131 i\u00e7eren bir proje oldu\u011funu belirtiyorlar. T\u00fcm bunlar g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, pop\u00fclizm ile sosyalizm aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki pek de \u201crasyonel se\u00e7im\u201d ikilemi olarak \u00e7er\u00e7evelenemez. Daha ziyade geli\u015fmekte olan bir diyalektik olarak ortaya konabilir. \u0130kisi i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir ve kolayca ay\u0131rt edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tarihsel emsaller de var. Yazarlar, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l Rus pop\u00fclizmini tart\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, bu hareket ile 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l Rus devrimleri aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131yor. Lars Lih\u2019in Lenin\u2019i Yeniden Ke\u015ffetmek<\/em> (Lenin Rediscovered) kitab\u0131nda belirtti\u011fi gibi, Lenin Narodniklerin miras\u0131n\u0131 terk etmek yerine  esasen onu Marksizm yarar\u0131na kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Narodniklerin ter\u00f6rist taktiklerini ve siyasi faaliyeti dar bir devrimci kadroyla s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar\u0131n\u0131 reddederken, otokrasi ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda disiplinli bir parti in\u015fa etmek i\u00e7in onlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme y\u00f6ntemlerini benimsedi. Bu farkl\u0131 gelenekleri birle\u015ftirerek, proletaryan\u0131n yaln\u0131zca s\u00f6zde \u201cekonomik\u201d kayg\u0131lar\u0131na odaklanmak yerine narod b\u00fcnyesindeki her bask\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulundu. \u00c7in\u2019de de CCP benzer bir mant\u0131kla hareket etmi\u015f, anar\u015fizmden tar\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kadar farkl\u0131 siyasi miraslar aras\u0131nda ba\u011flant\u0131lar kurmu\u015f, proleter, k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve milliyet\u00e7i m\u00fccadelelerin liderliklerinin birle\u015fti\u011fi bir ba\u011flant\u0131 noktas\u0131 olarak hareket etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bu kom\u00fcnist ajitat\u00f6rlerinin pratikte kabul etti\u011fi, Borriello ile J\u00e4ger\u2019in de ihmal etti\u011fi \u015fey \u201ci\u015f\u00e7ilerin\u201d sol siyasetin temel \u00f6zneleri olmak zorunda olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Baz\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcrlerde \u00f6\u011frenciler ya da k\u00f6yl\u00fcler proleter talepleri geli\u015ftirme konusunda daha becerikli olabilirler. Tarihsel a\u00e7\u0131dan, \u00fcretken emek\u00e7ileri merkeze alan sosyalist strateji ile daha geni\u015f koalisyonlar i\u00e7in \u00e7abalayan pop\u00fclizm aras\u0131nda basit bir ayr\u0131m yoktur. Kendi i\u00e7inde meslek, \u0131rk ve cinsiyete g\u00f6re b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 her zaman d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan m\u00fcttefiklere ihtiya\u00e7 duymu\u015ftur, radikal sol pop\u00fclizm de \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bu m\u00fcttefiklerin bir araya getirilmesine katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015ftur. Borriello ve J\u00e4ger\u2019in kitaplar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki \u201cmoment\u201d kelimesi, 2010\u2019lara\u00a0 at\u0131fta bulunarak yaln\u0131zca zamansal bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131yor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Oysa pop\u00fclizm, tarihsel bir ger\u00e7eklik olarak sosyalizme giden yolda gerekli, olumlu ve yinelenen bir moment olarak da g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Zira oligar\u015filere kar\u015f\u0131 halk bloklar\u0131 olu\u015fmadan sosyalizm hi\u00e7bir \u00fclkede kurumsal ve demokratik bir zemin kazanamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki ony\u0131llarda piyasa toplumu daha da atomize edecek, devletin kapitalist e\u011filimleri ivmelenecek ve oligar\u015fik fraksiyonlar sa\u011f\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc kitle siyasetini in\u015fa etmeye devam edecektir. Bu tutum de\u011fi\u015fimi pop\u00fclizmin yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesini gerektirir. Laclau\u2019nun sosyalizmin \u201cpop\u00fclizmin en y\u00fcksek bi\u00e7imi\u201d oldu\u011fu form\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc tersine \u00e7evirmemiz, bunun yerine radikal sol pop\u00fclizmin sosyalizmin en y\u00fcksek bi\u00e7imi oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmemiz gerekebilir, zira pop\u00fclizm ancak iyi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bir halk blo\u011fu yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131f bask\u0131s\u0131na de\u011fil her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tahakk\u00fcme kar\u015f\u0131 topyekun ve birle\u015fik bir m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctmeye ba\u015flayabilirse kendine gelecektir. Pop\u00fclist Moment<\/em> bu \u00f6nemli noktay\u0131 g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131yor. Yine de solun yak\u0131n tarihini ve siyasi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir katk\u0131 olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcn metin:<\/strong> After populism?, New Left Review
<\/a>\u00c7eviri:<\/strong> C\u00fcneyt Bender<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Uzun s\u00fcredir e-komite sitesinde kitap de\u011ferlendirmeleri de yay\u0131mlamay\u0131 istiyoruz fakat bug\u00fcne dek denk getirememi\u015ftik. Bu yaz\u0131 Anton J\u00e4ger ve Arthur Borriello\u2019nun hen\u00fcz T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evrilmemi\u015f The Populist Moment\u2019i \u00fczerine bir de\u011ferlendirme. Her iki yazar da sol pop\u00fclizm diye bildi\u011fimiz siyasi ak\u0131ma dair son on y\u0131lda ortak ve ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 pek \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yapm\u0131\u015f gen\u00e7 Avrupal\u0131 akademisyenler. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":35293,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[341,2,20,16],"tags":[33,1564,1459,1337,1562,1561,1560,523,243,1563,1444,538,1559,390,563],"yoast_head":"\nPop\u00fclizmden sonra? - Cihan Tu\u011fal - e-komite<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/e-komite.com\/2024\/populizmden-sonra-cihan-tugal\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Pop\u00fclizmden sonra? - Cihan Tu\u011fal - e-komite\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Uzun s\u00fcredir e-komite sitesinde kitap de\u011ferlendirmeleri de yay\u0131mlamay\u0131 istiyoruz fakat bug\u00fcne dek denk getirememi\u015ftik. Bu yaz\u0131 Anton J\u00e4ger ve Arthur Borriello\u2019nun hen\u00fcz T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evrilmemi\u015f The Populist Moment\u2019i \u00fczerine bir de\u011ferlendirme. Her iki yazar da sol pop\u00fclizm diye bildi\u011fimiz siyasi ak\u0131ma dair son on y\u0131lda ortak ve ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 pek \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yapm\u0131\u015f gen\u00e7 Avrupal\u0131 akademisyenler. 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Bu yaz\u0131 Anton J\u00e4ger ve Arthur Borriello\u2019nun hen\u00fcz T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evrilmemi\u015f The Populist Moment\u2019i \u00fczerine bir de\u011ferlendirme. Her iki yazar da sol pop\u00fclizm diye bildi\u011fimiz siyasi ak\u0131ma dair son on y\u0131lda ortak ve ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 pek \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yapm\u0131\u015f gen\u00e7 Avrupal\u0131 akademisyenler. 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